The question arises whether the three homosexual groups significantly differ in the proportions who had extensive experience. In an attempt to answer this question we have arbitrarily defined “extensive” homosexual experience as activity involving 21 or more male sexual partners. Some 47 per cent of the homosexual offenders vs. children meet this definition, markedly fewer than the other homosexual offenders. This corroborates our statement that of the three groups the homosexual offenders vs. children are the least homosexually oriented.

One third of the homosexual offenders vs. children with extensive experience found over 80 per cent of their partners in “pickups,” i.e., persons previously unknown to them. This is a smaller proportion than obtains among the homosexual offenders vs. adults, possibly because of the age preference factor: adult “pickups” are a relatively simple matter since adult males are constantly in association, but there are fewer situations in which adults and children mingle. Moreover, a sexual approach to a child usually requires, to be successful, a degree of prior acquaintance that is unnecessary between adults.

Disregarding numerous cases where our data are incomplete, the homosexual offenders vs. children appear to take the initiative in making sexual approaches much more than other homosexual offenders or the prison group. Seventy-six per cent (the highest percentage) were prone to take the initiative as against 14 per cent (the smallest proportion of any of the groups mentioned) who let the other persons make die first moves. Ten per cent were evenly balanced. This emphasis upon taking the initiative is not necessarily an expression of aggression or of unusual interest—an adult seeking a much younger partner must ordinarily take the first step.

Commercial homosexual relationships were less frequent among the homosexual offenders vs. children than among the other homosexual offenders, the prison group, and the control group; only half of the homosexual offenders vs. children with exclusively homosexual histories had ever paid or been paid for sexual acts with other males. The term “paid,” in the sense we use it, means payment in currency; nonmonetary gifts are not considered payment, although they may accomplish the same purpose. One fifth of this group had paid but had never accepted money; not one had been paid but had never paid. This brings to mind the axiom that, in sex, those who are most interested are the purchasers, those less interested are the sellers. This axiom is emphasized by a comparison of the homosexual offenders with the prison group. Of those with extensive homosexual experience in the latter group, many more received money than paid money, and the proportion who were actual (rather than incidental) homosexual prostitutes is much greater than among the homosexual offenders. While in comparison to the other homosexual offenders fewer of the homosexual offenders vs. children had been exclusively paid or had exclusively paid, a larger number had both paid and been paid (28 per cent to 18-20 per cent for the other homosexual offenders). Among the homosexual offenders vs. minors and adults the proportion who exclusively paid exceeds considerably those who both paid and received pay, yet among the homosexual offenders vs. children the reverse is true. In considering this peculiarity we can dismiss professional prostitution—all three homosexual-offender groups contained about the same proportion of homosexual prostitutes—but this avails us little and the problem remains unsolved.

While we have found it impossible to define adequately the word “love,” the term is commonly used to denote a powerful emotional fixation upon, and sexual desire for, another person. Two thirds of our sample of homosexual offenders vs. children with extensive homosexual histories reported having loved one or more males. This proportion lies in between the other homosexual offenders and also the prison- and control-group individuals with extensive homosexual experience. Similarly intermediate is the proportion (44 per cent) who had more than one love affair.

Because of the popular misconception that a man with a considerable amount of homosexual experience reveals this in his behavior or dress, we frequently both questioned and privately evaluated our interviewees on this point. Relatively few (29 per cent) of the homosexual offenders vs. children reported having had such homosexual stigmata. To some degree this absence of telltale mannerisms may be due to their interest in children or young postpubertal males, to whom such mannerisms would be either meaningless or merely confusing. Note that the homosexual offenders vs. minors are similarly fairly free of outward signs.

Lastly (excluding cases where data were not obtained), the homosexual offenders vs. children were more inclined to regret their homosexuality than any group besides the homosexual offenders vs. minors. Some 56 per cent expressed regret. Furthermore, as many (41 per cent) expressed marked regret as expressed no regret at all; this equivalence is unique. In attempting to ascertain the existence and degree of regret, we tried to have the interviewee disregard the immediate consequence—incarceration—of his homosexuality. We would, in essence, say, “Sure, you regret getting locked up, but outside of that do you regret having had homosexual experience?” Most, but not all, of the men were able to make this distinction. Nevertheless, the fact that so much more regret was expressed by those whose homosexuality had led to conviction than by those whose homosexual activity had not been legally punished, makes us suspect that it was impossible for most homosexual offenders wholly to ignore their experience with the courts and prisons.

*176\161\2*

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